The Black Rod

The origin of the Usher of the Black Rod goes back to early fourteenth century England . Today, with no royal duties to perform, the Usher knocks on the doors of the House of Commons with the Black Rod at the start of Parliament to summon the members. The rod is a symbol for the authority of debate in the upper house. We of The Black Rod have adopted the symbol to knock some sense and the right questions into the heads of Legislators, pundits, and other opinion makers.

Location: Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada

We are citizen journalists in Winnipeg. When not breaking exclusive stories, we analyze news coverage by the mainstream media and highlight bias, ignorance, incompetence, flawed logic, missed angles and, where warranted, good work. We serve as the only overall news monitors in the province of Manitoba. We do the same with politicians (who require even more monitoring.) EMAIL:

Wednesday, November 11, 2015

Shooting Mark DiCesare: Did he have a gun? Or was it murder?

Manitoba's shiny new office to investigate police shootings has failed its first major test.

When 24-year-old Mark DiCesare was surrounded by a veritable army of gun-toting police officers and blasted to eternity in an empty field in River Heights, the public wanted an answer to one, and only one, question.

One. Count 'em. One.

Did he have a gun?

That's it.

That's what everybody who heard the shocking news wanted to know. Did he have a gun? Once people knew the answer to that simple question, they could debate the need to shoot but at the same time would let the investigation take its course.

"A police source" told the Winnipeg Free Press on Friday, Nov. 6, the day DiCesare was killed by Winnipeg police, that he did have a gun.

And CJOB reported that "Brendan", who goes by one name like Madonna, also saw DiCesare with a gun, a "large" one.

Yet, since the day police unloaded their deadly weapons, they've been strangely reticent when it comes to discussing a gun in the possession of the man they killed.

Deputy Chief Danny Smyth held a news conference Saturday where he obliquely said that DiCesare was shot by five Winnipeg police officers.

 “Five officers have been identified as directly involved officers. What that means is that they were involved in the lethal-force encounter at the standoff in the field,” he said, hiding his meaning behind as much bafflegab as he could.

But, according to the Winnipeg Sun, "Although witnesses say they saw Dicesare waving a gun, Smyth could not confirm that either."

The Winnipeg Free Press put it more succinctly:

"Smyth would not say how many shots were fired in total or whether a gun was seen by officers before or during the confrontation because it is part of the IIU investigation."

And Zane Tessler, executive director of the bravely-named Independent Investigation Unit of Manitoba, cautioned the public not to expect quick answers. 

"There is a fine balance between the desire for expediency and the expectation for thoroughness," he said. 

In short, I've got nothing to say about a gun.

Which is extremely troubling.

For, you see, the last time police killed a man, in September, not so long ago, Tessler,  a former Crown attorney, tried the same stonewall tactic. But less than 24 hours later, he changed his mind.

As reported by CBC:

Shooting happened about 10:30 p.m. Sunday near intersection of Highway 59 and Kirkness
CBC News Posted: Sep 21, 2015 4:56 AM
"[Officers] conducted a stop of that vehicle and then dealt with the occupant," said Tessler. "Moments later officers were required to use their service weapons and discharge their firearms … [I] can't confirm whether or not the driver of the van did have a weapon on his person."
Tessler later clarified a weapon that didn't belong to police was found at the scene, but he could not confirm if it had been fired.

So, in September, Tessler quickly confirmed that the man killed by police had a gun in his possession, regardless of how convolutedly he tried to phrase it. He flip-flopped probably because news photos showed the gun on the highway near the scene of the shooting.

Now, four days after the fact, Tessler tries to dampen discussion about a gun. That's not good. In fact, that's very, very bad.

Because that's starting to look like there was no gun. And if Mark DiCesare had no gun, then five Winnipeg police officers should now be under investigation for second degree murder.

Tessler is not a Crown attorney any longer. If he has evidence that five Winnipeg police officer shot an unarmed man to death in an empty field he has to turn the matter over to the provincial prosecutions branch. The five must then be treated like murder suspects and read their rights, not given a group hug by police and IIU officials.

Everything about this case reeks. 39 police cars involved in a car chase?  When was the last time you heard of 39 police cars chasing a suspect in Winnipeg. Start with NEVER.

And why were they chasing him?  The story has mutated almost daily.

* Friday night CTV reported the chase started as the result of a tip.
* Then it became a female driver who saw a man in a car waving a gun.
* Then the female driver became a female police officer whose attention was drawn to erratic driving.
* Then it was a man sticking his head out of the sun roof on his car and brandishing a large gun. (If he had his head out the sunroof, does that mean his was driving standing up, steering with his knees, maybe?)
* Then it became a female police officer who noticed unexplained "erratic behaviour."

There's no question that there was a police chase. Two, actually, given that the driver of the Audi lost police the first time they tried to stop him.

The car wound up in an empty field. It would take one second to see whether the car actually drove over a spike belt.

News photos show the car was boxed in tight. The driver couldn't go forward or backward, and couldn't get out the driver's side door as police vehicles blocked him everywhere. His only egress was out the right passenger door, into the killing zone, a small box of empty space zeroed in by armed police.

Then  there was a lengthy lull, estimated at 20 to 30 minutes by witnesses, more than enough time to bring in a police dog.

"It ended when Mr. DiCesare took action and officers responded with lethal force." said Deputy Chief Danny Smyth, whateve that means.

We don't know what DiCesare did. We know what police did. 

At least five officers fired a volley of shots. You can count 12 in DiCesare's car. Two shots blew out the window of a police car.One shot went through DiCesare's car windows and wound up who knows where. How many 40-calibre bullets hit DiCesare we don't know.

This wasn't in an alley in the dark of night. It wasn't in a scary dark rooming house. The shooting took place in broad daylight in the early afternoon.

It happened at least 20 minutes after the end of a wild police chase straight out of the Blues Brothers movie. 

The suspect wasn't threatening anybody; he was in an empty field. He wasn't going anywhere; he was surrounded by more than a dozen police cars and at least 25 armed police officers, one step in any direction and he would have been tackled by a dozen uniformed men, and maybe women. 

Even  if he pulled a gun, he would have been instantly shot be police behind and to his side. 

If he had a gun.

If he didn't, we're looking at potentially the worst police scandal since the murder of Paul Clear in 1981 by two active-duty policemen. 

The public demands an answer to a simple question, not systemic stonewalling by the police department and their alleged watchdog.

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Monday, October 05, 2015

Winnipeg Free Press: manipulating election coverage to boost Liberal fortunes

How far will the Winnipeg Free Press go to manipulate their election coverage to promote the Liberals?

We got the answer Saturday when FP columnist Dan Lett went so far as to invent a scenario which allegedly took place at an all-candidates meeting in Winnipeg South Centre, one of the ridings the Liberals hope to recapture in Winnipeg, and which he then used to smear the Conservative incumbent.

Under the rubric 'Analysis', Lett, who had been the moderator at the meeting, wrote:

"It was all going well until (Joyce) Bateman piqued the ire of the crowd when she starting reading off a list of names from the Liberal campaign -- volunteers, paid staff workers and candidates alike --who had been identified by the Tories as "enemies" of Israel."

Mission accomplished. The column was gleefully snapped up and reprinted in pro-Liberal sites across the Web.  

It was enough to attract the attention of media watchdog Ezra Levant who did a bit of digging and discovered that Lett's observations were a crock.

Joyce Bateman  never used the term "enemies". That was a complete concoction by Dan Lett

And there was never any suggestion that the people referenced by Bateman "had been identified by the Tories as "enemies" of Israel." 

This, too, was a total invention.

CBC Manitoba linked to video of the Winnipeg-South-Centre meeting. It showed the context of the FP smear. At the conclusion of the meeting, the candidates were allowed to make a short summation of their pitch to voters. 

Bateman commented that if Liberal candidate Jim Carr was elected, his colleagues in government would include:

"Omar Alghabra, his colleague Liberal candidate, who called Israel's efforts to defend itself from Hamas rockets in 2014 blind and cruel. Borys Wrzesnewskyj, who called for the legalization of Hezbollah and its removal from the terror list. Darshan Kang, a Liberal candidate – his colleague, attended and spoke at a Gaza rally that turned violent in 2014. And Andrew Leslie, Liberal candidate and colleague of our Liberal candidate, accused Israel of indiscriminately bombing women and children."

This prompted Lett to write:

"It is hard in retrospect to escape the feeling the "enemies of Israel" blacklist Bateman was reading had a McCarthyesque blush to it. The names were read quickly and without any information establishing the veracity of the charges against the individuals named. It was a truly creepy moment."

With that he proved he is not a reporter, not a journalist, nothing but a Liberal Party flak. 

Any real journalist knows that "google is your friend."  

It took 90 seconds to, ahem, "establish the veracity of the charges against the individuals named."
JULY 26, 2014 8:20 AM
As rockets by the hundreds flew between Gaza and Israel last week, I received an email from Cory Hann, director of communications for the Conservative Party of Canada.

It referred to former Mississauga-Erindale Liberal MP Omar Alghabra's Facebook post calling Israel's response to Hamas rockets "blind and cruel." The email called Alghabra's remarks "offensive and ignorant. We are urging [Liberal leader] Justin Trudeau to condemn his remarks and demand an apology. We know that when we stand by Israel against anti-Semitic terrorists and extremists, that is Canada at our very best."
Vancouver Province: When asked if he was in favour of Hezbollah being taken off the terror list, [the Liberal member for Etobicoke] (Borys Wrzesnewskyj) said: 'Yes, I would be.' He likened the situation in the Middle East to Northern Ireland.
That is in the Province of Aug. 21, 2006.

His views on Hezbollah were so toxic he was eventually forced by the Liberal Party to resign.
Liberal MP Borys Wrzesnewskyj resigns 
VANCOUVER — Canadian Press
Published Wednesday, Aug. 23, 2006 2:49PM EDT 
The Liberals' deputy foreign affairs critic has resigned after an uproar over his statements that Canada should negotiate directly with Lebanon's Hezbollah, which is on Canada's list of terrorist organizations.
Borys Wrzesnewskyj created a backlash within his own party when he made the statement during a visit by opposition MPs to Lebanon last week.


Wednesday, August 6, 2014 ... EMERGENCY NEW GAZA PEACE RALLY is called to echo in strongest possible terms the condemnation by United Nations Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon, of Israeli Occupying Force’s criminal attacks on UN shelter for refugees in Gaza despite several warnings resulting in indiscriminate loss of civilian lives... Dr Arthur Clark, MLA Darshan Kang, Peggy Askin, Miriam Meir and each and every one of you for coming out and supporting.
Pro-Palestinian rally organizers are apologizing for the violence seen last Friday at Calgary's City Hall. 
Hundreds attended the protest to call for a ceasefire and condemn the current attacks in Gaza but it turned ugly when Israel supporters came to stage a protest of their own

Transcript: Andrew Leslie

So, Hamas launches rockets attacks. Up until the moment the Israeli ground forces launch their invasion there had been three fatalities after 2,700 rockets have been fired at Israel, because they have a system to knock them down.
So, tunnels [in Gaza] were not an issue at the time. They go in, they obviously get involved in the street fighting.
Hamas throws more and more resources at it and more casualties are caused by the Israelis using very heavy weapons systems, firing indiscriminately onto Palestinian women and children.

Lett's analysis column was published on a Saturday, the most read newspaper. 

Today, Monday, the least read newspaper, carried a "correction."

"In a column published Oct. 3, the use of quotation marks around enemies and enemies of Israel were intended for emphasis and were not intended to be seen as being quotes attributed to Joyce Bateman, Conservative candidate for Winnipeg South Centre."

That's not even close to the apology owed Joyce Bateman for the fabricated scenario presented as truth by the Free Press. 

That comes as no surprise to longtime readers of The Black Rod. 

We predicted a year ago where the FP was going under their new politics editor Shannon Sampert.

The drive-by smear of Joyce Bateman by Dan Lett answers another question, as well---why the newspapers parent company FP Publications Inc. has become a penny stock (47 cents a share), losing 90 percent of its value in the past five years. 

Once you have only contempt for your readers and think they'll be fooled by biased stories and fake corrections you have nobody to blame for your failure but yourselves. 

Penny stock has become laughing stock.

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Tuesday, September 01, 2015

"Fair and balanced" election coverage, as defined by the Globe and Mail

With the federal election campaign in full swing, it was only a matter of time before the issue of media bias bobbed up.

On Saturday last, the Globe and Mail published a column by its "public editor" (remember when they were called ombudsmen?) Sylvia Stead which was titled: "Who complains about campaign coverage – and why".

The newspaper, said Sylvia, has an editorial code that "requires that The Globe maintain a reputation for “honesty, accuracy, objectivity and balance."

Whiners aside, the Globe has lived up to its code, she said, and she, personally, is monitoring the balance of "overall coverage, where it plays within the paper" and even  "the number of photos."  

So there.  Case closed.

... readers of The Black Rod know that we like to check assertions out for ourselves, so we went through Saturday's Globe cover to cover to see how Sylvia defines "fair and balanced" news coverage.

Uh oh.

The paper had four news stories, two columns, one editorial and, believe it or not, one book review, that could be seen as reporting or discussing the federal election.

* The top story would be "Harper lauds report of quarterly surplus".  
The leading issue of the election has become who can manage the economy best, and here was the Prime Minister announcing that the country was registering a surplus of $5 billion in the first quarter of the year, not quite the basket case the Opposition parties were painting the economy.  

The Globe and Mail dismissed the good economic news by snidely stressing that the Conservatives were "quick to issue (a) self-congratulatory statement" while Finance Canada cautioned against reading too much into the numbers.

* Next was "Kenney 'not made aware' of air strike allegations." 
It was about how Defence Minister Jason Kenney "says" the military never told him Canadian fighter pilots had been accused of killing civilians in an air strike in Iraq.  
The use of quotation marks is a trick in news circles, an editorial comment indicating "he's lying."

* A third story was "Rights group decried federal survey on doctor-assisted death." 
A group that nobody has heard of called Dying With Dignity is upset at an online questionnaire the federal government is using to sample public opinion. 
The story isn't about the questions in the questionnaire (which would be information), but about the group's opinion of it (negative.)

* The last news story was "Public servant put on leave over anti-Harper song." It's about an employee of Environment Canada who put a song on YouTube attacking the Prime Minister and calling for his defeat in the election. The story aligns with the media narrative that the federal government is muzzling scientists who disagree with government policy. 

** The Globe on Saturday carried two columns related to the election. 
One, by Adam Radwanski, discusses the Liberal Party's embrace of budget deficits. It's a lukewarm endorsement of the Party for taking a position that differentiates itself from the other political parties in the running. 
The other, by Jeffrey Simpson, is a frothing attack on Conservative Party supporters who refuse to adopt the media's indignation at witnesses at the Duffy trial.

*** The Globe's editorial that day was also on the Liberal Party's deficit plans, and was another lukewarm pat on the back.

**** And finally, there was that glowing review by former Toronto mayor David Miller of a new book by Bob Rae, What’s Happened to Politics? wherein Miller declares that: 

"(b)ased on what I heard in a week in Newfoundland, I’d be shocked if Stephen Harper’s Conservatives win even a single seat here."


So, how balanced was the Globe's election coverage? Four news stories, two columns, one editorial and one book review.  All four news stories, one column and one book review were anti-Conservative, either blatantly (Simpson and Miller) or editorially through the use of subheads and italics to denote lying on the part of the government.  One column and the editorial were mildly pro-Liberal. 

That's what passes as balanced in the eye
s of the public editor of the Globe and Mail.

Just to be fair, we also scanned Monday's Globe. We got as far as the Page One story "Economists cut Canada’s growth projection, casting cloud on election pledges". 

Another story intended to support the Opposition line that the economy is tottering on the brink, it opens with:

"Economists are shaving their growth forecasts for 2015 ahead of a Statistics Canada report this week that is widely expected to confirm that Canada slipped into recession earlier this year."

It wasn't until we got to paragraph 8, on the jump page, that we read the real news:

"While there has been a considerable drop in the forecast for 2015, the consensus projection for economic growth in 2016 is still roughly in line with the assumptions in the budget."

In other words, the government anticipated a downturn in the world economy, and made allowances for it in this spring's budget. So the private economists' forecasts are only bringing their views in line with the federal government.
Oh, and it wasn't until paragraph 17 that we read:

"For a government that brings in more than $270-billion a year in revenue, even the latest forecasts show a federal budget that is very close to balance at the moment."

Isn't the entire Opposition position that Canada is in recession and only the NDP or Liberals can pull it out?  It is, if you don't bother reading 17 paragraphs deep in a dull economics story.

Bias? What bias?

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Tuesday, August 18, 2015

Is Tina Fontaine's mother among the Missing or Murdered?

One year after teenager Tina Fontaine's body was discovered  in the Red River, two memorial events were held.  One was on the Sagkeeng Reserve where she was raised by a great- aunt from the age of three;  another, much smaller, was at the Alexander Docks near where her body was located accidentally by a search party looking for someone else.

The news media was out in force, feeding on the grief. 

But none of the "professional journalists" seemed to notice that one important person wasn't at either of these gatherings.

Tina's mother.

At first glance, maybe it came as no surprise that Valentina Duck wasn't there. She's persona non grata on the reserve, where the responsible side of the family blames her for leading her departed 15-year-old daughter deep into the dark side where the seeds of her death are thought to lie.

But her absence at the Alexander Docks is more troubling. The inner city is her turf. There's more than one connection with the docks, the mother, and the discovery of Tina's body.  The senior Tina is no shrinking violet, having been interviewed by reporters on several previous occasions less important than the one-year anniversary of her daughter's confirmed death.

It's hard to call Valentina the black sheep of the family, a family top-heavy with prostitutes, drug addicts and fall-down drunks.  But her irresponsibility is being blamed, even by her own son, for dragging Tina down into a world of hard drug use and casual sex-for-money, either of which could have led to her death.

However it's these very situations that casts a sinister shadow over her non-appearance.

Has Tina Fontaine's mother become one of the missing?

The last recorded appearance of Valentina was ten months ago in a sappy Gordon Sinclair column in the Winnipeg Free Press.  APTN tried to locate her in advance of the anniversary of the finding of Tina's body without success, sparking the question.

In the biggest irony, among the mourners at Sagkeeng was media hog Nahanni Fontaine, Manitoba's official "adviser" on missing and murdered indigenous women.  She spends much of her time hectoring others for failing the native community. 
Has Tina's mother indeed disappeared, right under the nose of Nahanni Fontaine, who, in the words of the Winnipeg Free Press, "has devoted years to supporting the relatives of the missing and murdered?"

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Monday, August 17, 2015

Tina Fontaine: pregnant, tortured and drowned. Her brother spills what he knows.

Fifteen-year-old Tina Fontaine was pregnant at the time she was killed.

That's just a smidgen of what her older brother Charles revealed during an interview last week with the Aboriginal Peoples Television Network (APTN) in which he delivered a carpet bombing of details about Tina's sad life, horrific death, dysfunctional family and possibly murderous associates.

He blamed his and Tina's mother for getting Tina hooked on the hard drug crystal meth and into prostitution.  He said his mother told him she was disowning him and "that if she ever sees me she's going to beat the shit out of me just like she did to Tina."

This provides confirmation of a statement made a year ago when the Winnipeg Free Press interviewed Thelma Favel, who raised Tina Fontaine, on the Sagkeeng Reserve from when she was a child. 

 "... Fontaine claimed she had been beaten up by her mother and even texted pictures of her face, (Favel) said." (Winnipeg Free Press, Aug. 29, 2014)

Brother Charles Fontaine said he believes that someone in "the meth scene" is responsible for her death. 

What he then said cannot be verified, but if true, it shines a light on where the police investigation into the girl's unsolved killing is going.

Tina's brother said he has heard that she was tortured before her death. "Her hair was ripped out, she was burned, stabbed, beaten, raped, put in a body bag still alive.  And drowned."

Charles, now 20, matter-of-factly spoke about the incredibly dysfunctional life that embraced Tina Fontaine.  

  • He was separated from her and her sister as a baby and put into foster care. Like Tina, he became a meth user.  
  • His father, Eugene, was beaten to death by "friends" with whom his father had been drinking and using drugs. 
  • His mother has admitted smoking marijuana with Tina in the weeks before the girl's body was discovered in the Red River. 
  • One aunt is a known prostitute. 
  • He himself is a male prostitute.  
  • A cousin has been charged with forcing a teenaged girl into prostitution at a residence on Furby Street which is rented under another aunt's name and where Tina spent a weekend before her death.
The brother said what worries him now is that his youngest sister is "pregnant and she's 15."
The family tradition lives on.

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Monday, July 13, 2015

The Party line trumps free speech, privacy and democracy: NDP education apparatchik

Like most in Winnipeg, we were first shocked, then titillated by the news stories about the damning report into the Winnipeg School Division by John Wiens, "dean emeritus and professor, faculty of education, University of Manitoba," that was  released last week.

Then we read the report.

We can't recall ever reading a more alarming political document in recent Manitoba history.

Instead of what we had been lead to believe from the news accounts --- that Wiens found the school board so dysfunctional that the province may have to seize control -- we found a biased attack by an NDP insider with a major personal conflict of interest whose intention was to discredit the school board to set up a hostile takeover by the NDP government.

But that's not even the unnerving part.

A careful reading of  the 106-page report revealed a chilling mindset of authoritarian governance that would be perfectly normal in North Korea or Soviet Russia---but never, ever in a free and democratic society like Canada.

What left us shocked was that a poisonous report like this ever came out; that the government of the day accepted it, adopted it and circulated it; and that, knowing that Wiens was (and may still be) an NDP policy analyst and was appointed by the NDP to produce this report, it likely reflects the dark heart of the New Democratic Party.

That - and the fact that Wiens can't spell.

At the core of Wiens' report is that (cue The Internationale) the "common good"-- in this case, education--supercedes everything---human rights, privacy, democracy, even conscience.  These exist only to further the common good, and if they don't, they must be suppressed or guided by education commissars onto the proper path.

Oh, you exaggerate Black Rod. Oh yeah?  Here are some excerpts:

On human rights:

Wiens scoffs at the idea that humans have inalienable rights, the Canadian Museum for Human Rights be damned.
"When it comes to schools, our society says that the public, or common, good supersedes private goods and our young must learn this in order to live together well."
"Rights are not an unalienable right, the optimum goodThey exist to permit, encourage and promote the good which, in the case of School Boards, is education. In other words, rights exist for the good of education, not education for the rights to political participation."
"In a slightly different vein, some political theorists including me worry that the right, or “rights,” have overwhelmed the good. For example, in the past, rights like the freedom of expression and association have been misused by trustees insisting on their right to make public their personal disagreements and grievances in whatever way is available to them; and to form alliances within Boards which, in effect, take the decision-making power away from the Board..."    
"What is clear is that rights are not necessarily goods in themselves, and certainly not by themselves; they are intended to promote and protect the greater good, not supplant it. In short, the Board imperative of making the right or good, educational decisions overrides the right to make decisions."
On Democracy:

In his most jaw-dropping declaration, Wiens says school trustees are only elected to represent geographical areas, not the residents in those areas.  Can you find one other person in the entire province with that bizarre interpretation of school board elections?

"Part of the confusion...comes from misunderstanding the corporate nature of School Boards...The ward system, however, allows trustees to confuse their rights and responsibilities – are they representatives as in a parliamentary system or are they members of a corporate unity?"

"They are clearly the latter
 in both the literal and spirit sense of The Public Schools Act. In other words, while the wards are there to ensure that someone from a geographical area is present on the Board, trustees clearly are representatives “at large,” representing a priori all citizens in the Division and the idea and ideal of education rather than the constituents of a particular electoral district."
"In regards to public stewardship, it has become common for politicians of all stripes to promote and pursue those individual platforms which they claim “got them elected.” While it is not at all clear whether voters elect people for their platforms, their personalities, their perceived moral character or past associations and experience, it is clear that most people voting for school trustees expect their elected representatives to place the interests (in other words, the education) of children, young people and schools above their own. It is exactly what trustees pledge to do when they take office by signing an Oath of Office and declaring all conflicts of interest. While it is not necessarily easy to choose between keeping ostensible political promises one thinks one made, it is abundantly clear what the duties and tasks are when one assumes the office of trustee and Board member. It is an ethical and political imperative to promote and pursue educational excellence in all its forms, including by example as a democratic role model to the young."
On Democracy in Action:
Wiens hates it. He provides a textbook description of how democracy works, then condemns it as dysfunctional. 
The lines of division are complex and continuously shifting but, in general terms, they
consist of layers of mistrust and seemingly irreconcilable differences:
• between individual trustees
• between small, sometimes temporary, alliances of some trustees and other trustees;
• between the Board, trustees and senior administration; and,
• between, and among, senior administration.

But he loves imposing central mind control.

"It is hard to determine what a remedy might be for this particular situation but it would
certainly include the use of ruling some motions out of order
 or suppressing motions in the
general interest
 of the educational enterprise..."

On Privacy:

Board members must respect the limitations of their personal privacy regarding matters of interest or importance to the Board – any behaviour or actions which exclude or publicly impugn the Superintendent/CEO have the potential to undermine the necessary trust relationship.  p.14
In a page straight out of the Stasi handbook, Wiens and the NDP want total control of everybody Trustees meet and a report on why.
That the Board require trustees to file a written monthly report of activities undertaken by each trustee as a member of the Board, including who they met with, for what purposes they met and, if they chose to meet outside the usual meeting structure, why they chose to do so; and,
Similarly, that each trustee file a written monthly report of activities undertaken on behalf of the Board, like school visitations, community events and parent council meeting attendance.

That the Board immediately review its roles and responsibilities under The Public Schools Act, and discuss how its individual and collective practices must change in order to align them with the Act, particularly those regarding acting and speaking on behalf of the Board.
Wiens was particularly upset at trustee Mike Babinsky.
"As for the formal reporting relationship it is continuously being violated. One trustee regularly engages with parents..."
Gasp.  And nobody knows what he says or who he meets with. That will soon be outlawed by the NDP.
.1.3 Other Matters of Concern
In addition to the above concerns, Trustee Babinsky:
1) Maintains, or has been allowed to maintain, his own personal Hotmail account with
which he continues to conduct all trustee-related activity, but on which he declares
himself a school trustee of Winnipeg School Division – his justification is that the email account he has been issued is not private and confidential, 
That all trustees be required to use the Winnipeg School Division email system for their email

Wiens fails to discuss whether division emails are private and confidential or not. Obviously, not, which is why he wants school Superintendants to be able to access the communications of all trustees.

"In my view, the By-laws and practices can be brought into alignment with the letter and spirit of The Public Schools Act, The Education Administration Act and the new political reality and ought to be. Failing to do so will result in a continued fractured and dysfunctional Board...Nevertheless this will require a considerable effort and vigilance in change of both inclination and practice. And, I suspect that, until it becomes a new culture in the Division, it will require frequent minders by trustee colleagues and the Superintendent/CEO."
Translation: trustees will be expected to rat each other out for stepping outside the control zone.
Wiens peppers his report with references to the Public Schools Act to bolster his viewpoint. 

The only thing wrong is that his references are often only fantasy or worse.

"The Public Schools Act addresses this dissonance by insisting that individual trustees have no power as individuals and that the school board, as a corporate body, acts as an individual, placing the duties of the trustees and school boards over and above their individual prerogative and, even, conscience."
The Public Schools Act makes no reference whatsoever to trustees having to abandon their conscience to the collective.

"On quite a different but related matter, who speaks for the Board, when and under what conditions, is a particularly vexing problem... Several of the Board members act as if they enjoy parliamentary-like privilege which entails four related matters: first, they can act like ministers of the Crown for the committees they chair, speaking as if they represent the Board views and interests, and they do so without prior Board knowledge or approval; second, they believe they can act as representatives and advocates of one ward at the expense of another with impunity; third, that they can speak out as ward representatives on any matter whatsoever, claiming rights as individual trustees as opposed to members of a corporate Board; and fourth, that they can shed their trustee identity in favour of identities like community member and/or parent, and speak in that role against Board actions and decisions. The latter is particularly pernicious but, together, they form a lethal cocktail, leaving the public wondering what the Board will do next or where the “Board” truth lies. The consequence is a kind of assumed parliamentary prerogative without checks and balances like caucus solidarity and codes of ethics. The result is that the Board can be undermined, or made to look foolish by anyone of their number wishing to create a scene or pursue personal grievances and goals. And that is exactly what happens."
The Public Schools Act contains this section specifically addressing the right of trustees to speak on any matter:

Right to appear  

39.5(1) Notwithstanding anything in this Act but subject to subsection (3), a trustee has the same right as any other resident of the school division or school district to appear before a meeting of the school board thereof for the purpose of representing the trustee's personal interests in any matter within the jurisdiction of the school board. 
"Meeting" defined 
39.5(2) In subsection (1), "meeting" includes 
(a) a school board meeting; 
(b) a meeting of any committee or subcommittee of a school board or any subcommittee of a committee; and 
(c) a meeting of any commission, board or agency that has jurisdiction in the matter.
The common law of representative democracy, which Wiens and the NDP want to quash, addresses the rest.
Wiens is big on the suppression of opposition.
"Similarly, any actions which override or bypass the responsibility and authority of the Superintendent/CEO in regard to management of the Division, and/or carrying out the wishes of the Board as opposed to the wishes of an individual trustee, undermine not only the trust relationship but also the ability to effectively and efficiently carry out managerial responsibilities. The inability to “do her/his job,” whether because of micro-management, interference or insufficient oversight, reverberates throughout a system and can amount to unreasonable, inappropriate or arbitrary demands placed on other employees as well. It is what Larry Cuban, a renowned educational leadership and change theorist, calls “accountability by bullying,” whereby rights, predetermined and unwarranted outcomes, and procedural demands are used to “beat people up.”
We never heard of Larry Cuban, but, as they say, 'Google is your friend.' 

Thank you Google. 

We were able to learn exactly what Larry Cuban means when he says "accountability by bullying", the slogan adopted by John Wiens.

"Accountability can also be documented by concentrating on outcomes such as test scores, dropout rates, and similar markers."

"By examining such numbers, educators and noneducators can supposedly  determine whether teachers and administrators have met their responsibilities." 

"Focusing upon outcomes has decided benefits for policymakers with fewer benefits less apparent for those who work in classrooms."

"Some policymakers have wedded this concentration upon results to the sharing of these outcomes with the public through publishing school by school test scores and other performance comparisons using varied measures." 

"The premise is that teachers and administrators will become more responsible if results are available to the community." 

"Undesirable outcomes would trigger community pressure for improvement." 

"This is accountability by bullying."

"The substantial negatives linked to concentrating upon outcome measures and having them become public signs of success have already begun to emerge."
Larry Cuban means public pressure for results! 

In a province with the lowest performance in the country in reading, science, and math, accountability from educators is anathema. 

No wonder the NDP rushed to adopt the report.

Something obviously happened between the time Wiens was appointed to do his report by then-Education Minister Peter Bjornson and the release of the report by current Education Minister James Allum.  

The report as submitted not only fails to address issues specified by Bjornson (such as the validity of in-camera meetings) but Wiens is openly dismissive to other directives.
Does the school board follow best practices in ensuring, to the greatest extent possible,
board business is conducted openly with in-camera sessions held only as necessary (for
example, to deal with legal and personnel issues, student discipline, and labour relations)?
Are the reasons for in-camera sessions sufficiently understood and defensible? Are board
meetings conducted professionally and with appropriate decorum?

Best practices get a single mention by Wiens before being relegated to the trash bin.

"The much overused term “best practices” assumes that if certain predetermined procedures are followed reasonable, defensible ends will be achieved. What this presumes is a kind of technical-rational resolution of human concerns. While there are certainly better, more promising and more responsible practices, no prescription or formula will ever supplant the need for sound judgment when it comes to the affairs of human beings. As education is both a political and ethical enterprise, best practices essentially defines minimum expectations and standards about how people will organize themselves, how they will interact with each other and the public, and what educational aims are legitimate and essential.

Most of these so-called best practices for trustees are laid out in the aforementioned provincial legislation and Board policies and By-laws, and no duly elected trustee has a legitimate reason for not knowing about them and following them to the best of her/his ability. The real lesson here is that the political ends do not justify unethical means."
Wiens is even less responsive to the question of whether in-camera meetings of the Winnipeg School Board are all necessary. Skipping any details he says he has no evidence that in-camera meetings are inappropriate.  He said in-camera meetings should be held before regular board meetings. 

Why? So that decisions made behind closed doors could be "dealt with" in open session? Does that makes any sense?
Finally, a bus is a transit vehicle.

buss is a kiss.

Busing is the act of providing transit service.

Bussing is the act of kissing.

John Wiens, "dean emeritus and professor, faculty of education, University of Manitoba," earns an F in spelling.

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